Mr Barber said the victory of Mr Biden and Mrs Harris was all the more remarkable as, in the face of these changes in electoral law, it came and showed, “When people have the opportunity to vote, they will clearly coordinate their interests. ”
Mr Trump’s campaign against the results focused on actions by state and local officials to facilitate voting, particularly postal voting, during the coronavirus pandemic.
But the extent to which the president is now designating color voters for disenfranchisement is remarkable even by modern Republican standards, especially after it emerged better with black voters this year than four years ago.
Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett noted in an interview that Mr. Trump was focused on his city, which is at issue 39 percent black and 19 percent Latinoand not in the predominantly white and Republican suburbs outside, which had the same regulations as the Trump campaign in Milwaukee.
“We are absolutely real-time witnesses to the disenfranchisement of people of color across Milwaukee County,” said the Democrat Barrett. (The president is also pushing for a recount in Dane County, a predominantly white area of Wisconsin with a sizable student population.)
In Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney, also a Democrat, pointed out the Republican-led General Assembly’s refusal to allow election officials to begin processing postal ballots early as a direct attack on the voting in his city under the sheer volume of votes would struggle while more rural and white counties would have a much easier time processing votes.
“There was an effort from the start,” said Kenney.
Perhaps nowhere was the target of the black voices clearer than in Wayne County, Michigan, home of Detroit. Although Republicans pressured the Wayne County’s Advertising Commission not to ratify the vote, the number of counties with slightly mismatched data was fewer than in 2016, when Mr. Trump won the state with a narrower vote margin and the result was unanimously confirmed.