The pursuit of sovereignty has long been an issue in the Republic of Cuba. With the outbreak of the Cuban War of Independence from 1895 to 1898, Cuba was torn between fighting for independence from the Spanish Empire alongside the United States of America, with the option of being kept as an American colony or fighting against American attempts at the island to annex. The result was that the Cuban War of Independence was turned into the Spanish-American War – the “glorious little war” to which Secretary of State John Hay was referring – with two imperialist countries vying for control of the island regardless of desire the native Cubans for sovereignty. The war was crucial for the Cubans, Americans, and Spaniards both nationally and globally, as it changed the relationships between empires as well as the pre-existing power structures. The Spanish-American War, for example, was influential in several contexts, particularly the global one, due to the changes that resulted from the war in both territorial claims and changes in foreign policy.
In this paper we show why the United States decided to intervene and what impact this has on the Spanish Empire, but also whether the Cuban Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Cubano, PR China) influenced the decision of the Americans or whether it did solely to ensure their political choice was done and economic control over the region. Using and analyzing letters from José Martí and Gonzalo de Quesada y Miranda, consular correspondence on filibustering, and a speech by President William McKinley, we claim that the Cuban Revolutionary Party had little influence over the United States’ reasons for intervention, but it did was important in mobilizing the Cuban people on the island and abroad, which led to the Cuban War of Independence. The PRC was therefore responsible for the dangerous economic instability within the country that forced the United States to intervene to protect its interests.
We use a wide variety of scholarships in this article, including the work of Ada Ferrer, Louis A. Perez Jr., and John L. Tone. These three scholars take different approaches to understanding the Spanish-American war while emphasizing the influence of the Cuban Revolutionary Party. For example, Ada Ferrer emphasizes in her work the social history and influence of the PRC in Cuba, while Louis A. Perez Jr. takes his work more political and social, focusing on figuring out the reasons why the Cubans requested the Americans intervention. In contrast, John L. Tone examines economic and political history to understand why the United States intervened in Cuba. Tone explores both the economic and humanitarian reasons the United States invaded Cuba, but highlights the dire conditions in the country and the unlawful killings of many Cubans by the Spanish military. In doing so, he shows that the United States was motivated not only by financial gains, but also by its desire to protect the many Cuban civilians who were killed by the Spanish. This is extremely important for our paper as most of the secondary sources that we include do not deal with the humanitarian aspects of the war and therefore bring a different perspective to our paper. Most of our sources tend to focus largely on the economy in relation to the sugar cane and slave trade industries, or on social and political aspects with an emphasis on the Cuban Revolutionary Party. Therefore, all texts explicitly set out conflicting reasons as to why the United States intervened in Cuba, and subtly discuss whether or not the PRC is important in this regard.
Spanish conquest and Cuban nationalism
Less than a decade after Christopher Columbus discovered the island of Cuba, Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar traveled to the New World to build the Spanish settlement under the Spanish commission to completely conquer the island. The Oriente of Cuba was of immediate strategic importance for Spain and played an important role in the building of the Spanish (colonial) empire. With the arrival of the colonizers and the occupation of Cuba came the establishment of the wealthy capital, institutions, customs, imported cultures and laws. Prosperity and wealth for Cuba’s conquerors were part of an unsavory dichotomy for the island’s native population, who suffered bloodily.
The submission across the Orient of Cuba resulted in protest and violent resistance from locals who refused to be docile and submissive to the Spanish imperialists. After defeating several hundred locals armed with anti-Diluvian weapons and instruments of resistance, Spain was able to complete its colonization program across the island. Servitude and slavery immediately followed, resulting in multiple and competing political, social, and economic systems, including slavery. Spain strengthened its government and defense systems and built the Morro Castle (Castillo de los Tres Reyes Magos del Morro), Fort San Salvador (Castillo San Salvador de la Punta) and Real Fuerza (Castillo de la Real Fuerza) – the first stone military base and fortress in Latin America. Cuba also caught the attention of the British, and in addition to its strategic importance, the settlement was an economic treasure trove in the New World, such as Havana, the third largest city in the Spanish New World Empire.
The Cuban nationalist movement was slow to develop compared to its counterparts in Latin America and had a strange relationship with Spain. Rather than jeopardizing the fortunes they had built through their close relationship with their conquerors by confronting the Spaniards directly and resisting violently, the elites purposely avoided going the same path as others through their resistance movements in search of self-determination. However, this does not mean that discontent among Cubans has been slow to increase over time. By 1898, fewer Cubans consented to Spanish rule and exploitation of people and land than most decades of colonial rule. With the infusion of many thousands of mulattos or mestizos (blacks or people of mixed race) to Cuba as slaves (more than half of the population were slaves) and with Cuba, which has become one of the world’s leading sugar producers, the white elite still wanted to maintain their privilege and relative power. To see the consequences of the resistance, Cuba’s white planter class only had to look to nearby Haiti, where on August 21, 1791 a major slave revolt led by Toussaint l’Overture led to the destruction of the island and the elite plant class almost extinguished. This effectively served to curb any major efforts by the elites to change the status quo by freeing their slaves and driving out the Spaniards. Although the elites had no way of knowing what might happen in later years, the possibility of a slave revolt lingered in their minds, greatly influencing their way of thinking and interpreting the costs and potential results of the independence and collapse of the slave institution. The events of 1791 would reverberate across all colonies for decades to come.
Members of the Cuban planter class and other elites slowly began to change their attitude towards Cuban independence with the decline of the Spanish Empire and its eventual dissolution. While some viewed the revolution as the way forward for Cuba, others focused on reforms over bloodshed and the possibility of Cuban autonomous government within the wider Spanish Empire. In addition to reforms and revolts, the Cubans considered turning to the relatively powerful United States and the annexation of Cuba, as we will discuss in the following section. In doing so, the elites sought a continuation of Cuba’s prosperous slave system and at the same time achieved political and economic independence. All options came to a dead end. In April 1867 the Junta de Información convened in Madrid and made it clear that the reforms called for by the Cubans would not be taken into account.
After all options had waned, due in part to increasing pressure from Spain in the form of taxes, the Cuban elites, along with ranchers and patriots, turned to independence on October 10, 1868. One can watch the growth and development of Cuban nationalism through a series of failed options that would preserve Cuba’s slave system, bring Cuba closer to independence through special autonomy, or integrate Cuba into the United States, which would provide the necessary protection from foreign interests. But it was only after these options were eliminated that the Cuban elites saw no choice but to turn to the insurrection half a century ago, despite the ghost of Haiti. Raising the banner of independence started the Ten Years War. The war, which was both a product and an engine of broader Cuban nationalism and nationalist spirit, produced the most robust independence movement to date in Cuba – a coagulation of several classes, races, and ordinary Cubans.
The beginning of the PRC
As explained in the previous section, the question of how to gain independence from the Spanish Empire has been a subject of great controversy in Cuba for many years. In the 1860s, political discontent began to increase in the form of the question of independence and the desire to be free from Spanish oppression, which also motivated the Cubans to push for the abolition of slavery. With the massive slave population on the island, the revolutionaries realized that if the War of Independence also turned into a war for the emancipation of slaves, they would gain a significant portion of the slave population who would fight in war because of their desire to gain freedom. It thus offered the revolutionaries an attractive opportunity and at the same time a dilemma. The loss of working slaves, especially on the plantations, would effectively destroy the economic sector in Cuba, thus violating the Spanish Empire and making rule over the country difficult due to the loss of its economic capabilities. Then a war of independence had to be waged, in which the majority of the island’s population, especially the slaves, would be involved to have far-reaching effects on the country to defeat Spain. As such, the Cuban War of Independence sought to include everyone on the island who had a desire to be independent from Spanish colonial rule, which included many slaves.
Faced with concerns about Cuba’s economic and political strength and the almost inevitable war of independence against Spain, revolutionaries, including Creole elites, believed it was in Cuba’s best interests to be annexed and added as a colony by the United States rather than fighting the Spanish for an uncertain future. The Creole elites, or Cubans of European descent, born in Cuba were largely content with Spanish rule during the early decades of the 19th century. However, as the Creole elites continued to flourish, they became increasingly concerned that Spain would fail to suppress a slave revolt or revolt in the country. The wealthy elites were mainly concerned with their status in Cuba and tried to ensure the continuation of their privilege. Equally concerned about the elimination of slavery altogether, which raised fears of the destruction of the status quo, the elites turned their eyes to the United States as a possible guarantor of their economic position.
The Cuban and American economies have become increasingly interconnected in recent years, so a request for annexation to the United States made both political and economic sense. The annexation would then essentially stabilize the economy, but would also free it from Spain’s imperialist control over the island. This was illustrated by examples such as the Spanish taxation of foreign imports and the imposition of tariffs on goods sold abroad, which devastated the Cuban export economy. The possible incorporation of Cuba into the United States therefore presented Cuba with essentially no risks due to the guaranteed stability that the annexation of its mainly export-oriented economy brought.
Although the annexation of Cuba to the United States was an option, many Cubans looked elsewhere for a way to be free from Spanish rule and gain independence. The desire to get rid of Spanish influence in Cuba led not only to the Ten Years War, but also to the exile of many great Cuban revolutionaries and independence activists such as José Martí, who led the new uprising against Spain in 1895. This decision by the Spanish government to exile those heavily involved in the Ten Years War undeniably led to the creation of the PRC, which turned out to be disastrous for the Spanish Empire. Martí founded the PRC on January 5, 1892, which challenged the Spanish Empire for Cuba’s independence and campaigned for Spain to be removed from the island. Martí, unlike many Creole elites in the 1860s, believed that Cuba should not be annexed to the United States and instead should seek to survive independent of imperialist influences. He stated in a letter to the editor of the Eve post Office that most Cubans “do not want the annexation of Cuba to the United States. You don’t need it. “ Martí understood that the United States would try to impose its beliefs on Cuba if it invaded, and that it would only exchange one colonist for another rather than receive freedom. He also demonstrated this belief in a letter to his close friend Gonzalo de Quesada, in which he declared that “no path is good if it does not guarantee Cuba its absolute independence”, referring to the idea that Martí did not want one if Cuba did not achieve full independence external influence over the country, for example in the form of American aid, even if this removed Spain’s colonialist control over Cuba.
Both Martí and Máximo Gómez, a general in the Cuban Independence Army, wanted recognition and support, but were directly against American military intervention. As Martí claimed, freedom cannot be found in a mere change of master. By carefully analyzing Martí’s letters, it becomes clear that the PRC did not play an important role in motivating the United States to invade, as Martí wanted Cuba to be completely sovereign and independent. He knew that the United States would never allow Cuba to enjoy full sovereignty if the Americans intervened. As Martí explained, While this is true, the PRC was still campaigning for the recognition of the American government in order to gain full independence, even though it was known that these efforts would fail. This was Quesada’s largest endeavor on behalf of the PRC, and he sought continuous American intervention in Cuba, in addition to assistance with arms and various supplies, to aid Cuban revolutionaries fighting the “oppressive” Spanish Empire.
The PRC became increasingly influential, especially in the days leading up to the war, for its help in drawing up plans to invade Cuba. Although the Cuban Revolutionary Party had a widespread media base in the United States too, which was founded by Martí, as seen when the newspaper was founded PatriaIt was more important to prepare and mobilize the Cuban people to go to war against the Spaniards than to influence the American people. The PRC helped create a unified force for the Cubans in both America and Cuba, making it the main reason for the success it had during the war in 1895. Martí’s extensive use of the media, for example by founding newspapers, helped nurture the Cuban experience and mobilized the population to go to war because of the need and desire to rid themselves of any outside influence . Although spreading the ideals of the PRC in the United States to American citizens was a major factor in the success of the PRC, their campaign was widely used to influence the Cuban people in the United States and create a unified force in the fight against them Spaniards to create for their freedom.
Martí and other PRC leaders were aware that the American people could not pressure the US government to change their minds about Cuba’s independence because of negative views about the possible loss of Cuba as a protectorate state and voiced theirs Interests also directly with the American government, for both notoriety and a potential ally that Cubans could rely on if necessary. This was seen in a letter from Gonzalo de Quesada to the United States Colonel John D. Hay, demanding that they prevent “the useless sacrifice of a human life” because of the power that the United States wielded . Quesada asked the American government to save the innocent life of a Cuban soldier, stressing the need to have humanity in wartime. This was largely ineffective as the American government felt that, because of their relationship with Spain, there was no use helping the Cubans in any way that would threaten Spanish ownership of the island if it were not for economic or political interests the American corresponded. This then begs the question of why the United States chose to intervene in Cuba if it was not driven by the PRC.
The United States intervenes
Although the Cuban Revolutionary Party had an impact on American soil, especially among other native Cubans, the party was not powerful enough to change the United States’ political agenda and force the country to invade, but also to persuade them to resist Temptation to essentially colonize the island. Instead, the United States justified the intervention on the basis of economic, territorial, and humanitarian influences. The 1898 war against Spain was also justified because the Spanish army was weak and weakened, making it an easy target for the large and strong American military. If the Spaniards had proven difficult to defeat by the Cubans, the Americans might have decided not to go to war. With the Cuban Revolutionary Party’s work against the Spaniards, they created a destabilizing environment that not only led Americans to step in to protect their interests in the region, but also made it a relatively safe war for the United States To get involved The United States was therefore not directly influenced by the PRC to go to war in Cuba, but for reasons that influenced both the economy and the political atmosphere at the national and global levels.
In the early 1800s, the American economy was particularly reliant on Cuban sugar, signaled by the destruction of most of Haiti’s plantations during the Haitian Revolution. Since then, the country has turned to Cuba for almost everything it needs to supply sugar. With a deteriorating Spanish economy in the late 1860s, Spain relied on a protectionist tariff across the empire to try to stabilize its economy. Although the Spanish Empire’s economy eventually began to grow again, the country had to maintain tariffs on its many exported goods, such as sugar cane from Cuba, which made its products more expensive to sell abroad. The Customs of 1870 hit the Cuban sugar industry hard, leaving the growers unable to keep up with the prices of their foreign competitors. Cuban growers began to produce less grain due to the decline in demand, resulting in “593,459,000 pounds less” sugar cane being produced in 1877 compared to 1870. This is demonstrated by a brochure entitled “The Sugar Question,” which further describes how Spanish customs, along with the decline in sugar cane production, not only harmed Cuban’s export economy, but also had a major impact on the American economy. By the 1870s, the United States had become increasingly dependent on received Cuban imports, and in 1877 began importing nearly 91% of Cuba’s total sugar cane production. The two countries had become increasingly dependent on each other and could not risk their relations being damaged for fear that their economies would be damaged. Cuba also became dependent on American buyers, particularly with the increase in tariffs as it could no longer compete with other manufacturers, but the United States also became mutually dependent on Cuba because of the enormous amount it imported from Cuba. If sugar cane production in Cuba had ceased, it would have been very difficult for the United States to replace the deficit of sugar from Cuba with sugar from another country, which showed the importance of the Cuban economy and sugar production to the United States.
Another reason the United States decided to intervene in the Cuban War of Independence was its desire to expand its territorial possessions to the Caribbean. Analysis of both a House Congress report from 1898 and a newspaper article shows that the United States intended to expand its sphere of influence and remove Spain from its imperial holdings in the region. In the congressional act entitled “Cuba: The Monroe Doctrine As It Is Interpreted by a Missouri Democrat,” Champ Clark pondered whether the Monroe Doctrine should be implemented in Cuba and how to deal with Spain. He came to the decision that “the United States should drive them out of the western hemisphere” to demonstrate their authority and also to protect their future imperial possessions. Clark believed that America’s current foreign policy stance showed that it was the responsibility of the United States to help these less able countries and protect them from other foreign policy influences. Hence, it was imperative that the United States invade to protect Cuba so that it could be preserved as territory in the future. The newspaper article entitled “Ultimatum! McKinley gives Spain forty-eight hours to meet or leave our terms, ”McKinley also described a similar message when he stated that McKinley wanted the“ immediate evacuation of Porto Rico and the Spanish islands in the Caribbean … and their cession to the United States “demanded. This main source emphasized the American desire to acquire territory in the Caribbean and to consolidate its authority in the region, in contrast to the aforementioned document, but both show the same motivation of the United States in wanting to go to war with Spain move to gain more territory and begin his colonial empire.
Third, the American government went to war with Spain on humanitarian grounds. As mentioned in an excerpt from President McKinley’s speech to Congress, he stated that Americans must intervene in Cuba for “humanity, protection and compensation for life …” and because the Spaniards are “a threat to our peace.” “represent. According to McKinley, for humanitarian reasons, getting in was of the utmost importance, but in reality McKinley declared this to create a facade for the government to hide behind to justify war with the American people. This was seen not only in McKinley’s speeches as he addressed the war, but also in cartoons and consular correspondence that supported President McKinley’s claims that the United States had to intervene on humanitarian grounds. In some consular correspondence, such as “Filibustering Expeditions Against Cuba”, it was repeatedly stated how cruel the Spaniards were towards the Cubans, for example when it was reported that a Cuban civilian “ultimately appeared in Cuba and was shot”. Recognition of atrocities in Cuba was used as a humanitarian reason for invading the war, as both Cubans and Americans in the region needed protection from Spanish aggression. In the cartoon “The Spanish Brute Adds Mutilation to Murder”, a Spanish soldier is portrayed as a murderous ape and held responsible for the sinking of the battleship Maineas well as the death of all soldiers on board. This cartoon was essentially used as a propaganda tool to portray the Spanish negatively, to justify the war against Spain, and to mobilize the population.
The United States has that Maine to Cuba when tensions between the United States and Spain were at their highest. With Cubans who are already shaking up and destroying property and threatening the peace and order of the colony, Maine Presence was an American power game and a sign of strength. The Main On the night of February 15, 1898, it inexplicably exploded, killing 266 of its 355 crew members. While many of those killed died instantly, others died a slow and painful death as they slowly burned. After the explosion ignited the coal bunkers, the ship’s powder magazines exploded, causing enormous damage to the front of the ship. The American press jumped up on this occasion to spread the word of the destruction and warship of the United States and the deaths of hundreds of sailors in the south. They accused Spain even when there was no evidence that Spain had anything to do with the alleged attack. The media acted as America’s megaphone, calling for revenge and effectively fueling the anger of the American public against Spain.
The sinking of the battleship Maine the port of Havana acted as a catalyst for the war and was the “last straw” to urge the United States to invade Cuba. The Main from there an American call to arms became for those who wanted an all-out war with Spain. Why is the destruction of the Main problematic? As mentioned earlier, an explosion in the ship’s forward magazines ultimately has the Maine. This cause was established against a commission of the US Navy, although there are still immense doubts and speculations about the real cause of the sinking. On March 28, 1898, the agency determined that an external mine was the cause of the initial explosion, although no effort was made to determine how the device was set or who set it up. Studies on the fall of the Main continued over the decades with a recent computer analysis by Advanced Marine Enterprises (AME). Analysis of heat transfer showed that a fire in the ship’s coal bunker “could have raised the temperature of the nearest canister of gunpowder (just four inches away on the other side of a quarter-inch thick steel plate) to over 645 ° C – hot enough to be.” Pulver zu entzünden und eine Kettenreaktion in den angrenzenden Magazinen auszulösen. “ Spanien war leicht in den Angriff der US-Regierung verwickelt, der bereits von der amerikanischen Öffentlichkeit unterstützt wurde. Am nächsten Tag stellte Präsident William McKinley Madrid ein Ultimatum. Weniger als zwei Wochen später, am 11. April, bat McKinley den Kongress, Spanien den Krieg zu erklären. Dieser angebliche Angriff wurde in den Medien und in der Regierung ausführlich als berechtigter Grund für einen Krieg diskutiert, obwohl die Vereinigten Staaten in Wirklichkeit höchstwahrscheinlich sowieso Krieg gegen Spanien führen würden. Aber dieser Vorfall bot den Vereinigten Staaten eine bequeme Möglichkeit, ihre wahren Absichten zu verbergen. Daher haben die Vereinigten Staaten nur aus wirtschaftlichen und territorialen Gründen interveniert, aber um die Öffentlichkeit dazu zu bringen, den Krieg zu unterstützen, mussten sie sich an die Bevölkerung wenden, was dazu führte, dass die Spanier als mörderische Tiere dargestellt wurden, die gestoppt werden mussten um sowohl die Kubaner als auch die Amerikaner in der Region zu schützen.
In der Fülle der Primärquellen, die in unserer Forschung verwendet wurden, ging kein einziger auf die Bedeutung der kubanischen Revolutionspartei ein, um die Vereinigten Staaten in den Krieg zu führen. In „Documentos Historicos: Archivo de Gonzalo de Quesada y Miranda“ wurde deutlich, dass die Kubaner die amerikanische Hilfe in der Region nur begrüßen würden, wenn ihre Unabhängigkeit anerkannt würde. In einem Brief von Quesada an den amerikanischen Anwalt William Calhoun erörterte er, dass die Kubaner „entschlossener denn je sind, ihre absolute Unabhängigkeit zu gefährden [and will reject] alle Angebote [of American assistance that are] nicht auf der Anerkennung der kubanischen Republik beruhen. “ Dies zeigte, wie der kubanische Nationalismus und die kubanische Revolutionspartei die Amerikaner nicht zum Krieg drängten, sondern für die Entstehung des kubanischen Unabhängigkeitskrieges wichtiger waren, der unbeabsichtigt dazu führte, dass die Amerikaner 1898 intervenierten. Die meisten Quellen Wir haben die Bedeutung sowohl territorialer Akquisitionen als auch des Schutzes der amerikanischen Wirtschaftsinteressen in der Region als Hauptantrieb für den Krieg der Vereinigten Staaten hervorgehoben, obwohl es wichtig ist, die Verwendung humanitärer Gründe zur Rechtfertigung des Krieges zu beachten Für die amerikanische Bevölkerung war dies nicht der Hauptgrund, warum die Vereinigten Staaten beschlossen, gegen Spanien in den Krieg zu ziehen.
Mit der amerikanischen Entscheidung, 1898 den Krieg gegen Spanien zu erklären, und dem anschließenden Sieg führte der Krieg zum Erwerb der spanischen Besitztümer in der Karibik und im Pazifik durch die Vereinigten Staaten. Dies schloss Kuba, Puerto Rico und die Philippinen ein. Die Niederlage der Spanier führte zum Verlust einer großen Anzahl ihrer Kolonien weltweit und führte daher zum endgültigen Untergang ihres Reiches aufgrund seines geschwächten Zustands nach seiner Niederlage. Im Gegensatz dazu signalisierte der Krieg für die Vereinigten Staaten den Beginn ihres Imperiums aufgrund seines Anspruchs auf Neuland und der Anwendung ihrer imperialistischen Außenpolitik, die bis zum spanisch-amerikanischen Krieg nicht umfassend umgesetzt worden war. Der Krieg führte zu einer Zunahme der nationalistischen Stimmung in den Vereinigten Staaten, schürte aber auch die expansionistischen Tendenzen und veränderte damit dauerhaft die amerikanischen Außenbeziehungen.
Gegensätzliche Ansichten und Lücken in der Forschung
Angesichts des umfangreichen Einsatzes von Forschungsmaterial, das in diesem Artikel verwendet wird, ist es unvermeidlich, dass unterschiedliche Meinungen und gegensätzliche Ansichten vorhanden sind, die vorhanden und wichtig sind. John Tone zum Beispiel konzentriert sich ausführlich auf die humanitären Gründe, aus denen die Vereinigten Staaten gegen Spanien in den Krieg gezogen sind, und verwendet Statistiken und Fakten, um seine Forschung zu stützen. Obwohl Tone feststellt, wie sich der Krieg auf die amerikanischen Importe und Interessen in der Region auswirkte, konzentriert er sich hauptsächlich darauf, wie Präsident McKinley die Kriegsführung rechtfertigt und wie er glaubt, dass die humanitären Probleme in Kuba der letzte Anstoß für die Vereinigten Staaten waren, in den Krieg einzutreten. Looking at Tone’s comprehensive research through orders and reports from the American government, we cannot contest his analysis because of the extensive proof he has, but we do believe that he focuses too largely on the humanitarian reasons behind the invasion and does not pay as much attention to America’s imperialistic nature and how it will not invade a country to protect the lives of foreigners, but moreover will invade because of other concerns in the region, such as its territorial or economic interests.
It is also important to acknowledge the overwhelming biases within our primary sources and how those have affected our research. Almost all of the primary sources that we used were from American sources and thus, evoked a strongly pro-American bias. For this reason, there was often no mention of either Cubans or the Cuban Revolutionary Party in the sources presented, so although our argument is that the PRC did not influence, but rather lobbied for, the American government’s decision to invade Cuba, it could have been more important than what we acknowledged it to be. Although we do not believe this to be true and attempted to counter this bias with work accomplished by Spanish figures such as José Martí and Gonzalo de Quesada, it is still important to understand that there are limits to the research we used because it was mostly based on American information and their biases.
Another limit we faced in our research was a language barrier with many Cuban sources which made it difficult to find information that was not written by an American who discussed Cuba. Most sources that we discovered in the Cuban national records were in Spanish, which compelled us to seek American records just to gather more information that we could understand. This resulted in most of our sources being written by Americans or that emphasized the American role within the region, instead of that of the Cubans. Also, most scholarship that is currently prevalent either addresses the Spanish-American war of 1898 from the American point of view, or the Cuban point of view, and little attempt to use sources from both perspectives and to discuss those extensively together. This presented a gap in research as it was difficult to gather information that analyzed both countries and their opinions about the war together in one source. Although secondary work, such as Louis A. Perez Jr’s extensive research on the topic of Cuba in the 1800s did help fill in some gaps in our knowledge, it is necessary to note that there are still extensive gaps in research today because of scholar’s ill-attempt to analyze these two perspectives together.
The Spanish-American war of 1898 was the first war of many for the United States where it attempted to expand its sphere of influence and gain more territory abroad. With its success in Cuba, the Americans essentially led to the downfall of the Spanish Empire because of Spain’s loss of its territories in the Caribbean and in the Pacific, as seen in the United States acquisition of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. Although the American government’s economic and territorial interests in the region became vastly important in the push for it to go to war in Cuba, the Cuban Revolutionary Party was still integral in beginning the Cuban War of Independence in 1895 and the creation of a destabilizing atmosphere in Cuba that resulted in the United States needing to intervene in order to maintain its interests abroad and to not risk the loss of its potential territorial possessions in the Caribbean. Therefore, because of the United States’ political agenda, as well as its economic and territorial priorities, the PRC was not the main factor in causing the United States to go to war but was still an important factor in the creation of the Spanish-American War of 1898.
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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century. Pittsburgh : University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007.
Schneider, Elena A. The Occupation of Havana: War, Trade, and Slavery in the Atlantic World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018.
Scott, Rebecca J. Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.
Searles Jr., J. E. “The Sugar Question.” The Parsee Merchant Reviewed. January 30, 1879. Accessed April 16, 2018. https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.2060490a/?sp=1.
Staten, Clifford L. The History of Cuba. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2005.
Tone, John L. War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.
 Philip S. Foner, The Spanish-Cuban-American War and the Birth of American Imperialism (New York City: New York University Press, 1972), xix.
 Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 1-202; Louis A. Perez Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 77-144; John L. Tone, War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895-1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 15-152.
 Tone, War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895-1898, 97-288.
 Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007).
 Gillian McGillivray, Blazing Cane: Sugar Communities, Class, and State Formation in Cuba, 1868-1959 (Durham: Duke University Press Books).
 Clifford L. Staten, The History of Cuba (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2005), 15; Evelyn Jennings, Constructing the Spanish Empire in Havana: State Slavery in Defense and Development (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2020).
 Elena A. Schneider, The Occupation of Havana: War, Trade, and Slavery in the Atlantic World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018).
 Philip D. Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Gillian McGillivray, Blazing Cane: Sugar Communities, Class, and State Formation in Cuba, 1868-1959.
 Laurent Dubois, Avengers in the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005).
 Herbert S. Klein and Ben Vinson III, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007; Robert L. Paquette and Mark M. Smith, The Oxford Handbook of Slavery in the Americas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).
 Perez Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 79.
 Cuban Studies Institute, “Junta De Información,” accessed December 23, 2020, https://cubanstudiesinstitute.us/cuban-institutions-and-groups/junta-de-informacion/
 Néstor Ponce de León, The Book of Blood: An Authentic Record of the Policy Adopted by Modern Spain to Put an End to the War of Independence of Cuba (October, 1868, to November 10, 1873) (Norderstedt: Hansebooks, 2016).
 Rebecca J. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985),3-293. See for more information on the abolition of slavery and the impacts slavery had on the legal system in Cuba.
 Perez Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 79.
 Anthony Pagden, Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory, 1513-1830 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
 J. E. Searles Jr., “The Sugar Question,” The Parsee Merchant Reviewed, January 30, 1879, accessed April 16, 2018, https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.2060490a/?sp=1.
 Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898, 115.
 Foner, The Spanish-Cuban-American War and the Birth of American Imperialism, 1895-1902, xxi.
 Carol A. Preece, Insurgent Guests: The Cuban Revolutionary Party and Its Activities in the United States, 1892-1898 (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1980), 18-23.
 José Martí, Our America: Writings on Latin America and the Struggle for Cuban Independence (New York: NYU Press, 1977), 235.
 Ibid., 244.
 Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898, 28.
 Ibid., 21.
 Biblioteca De Autores Cubanos, Documentos Historicos: Archivo de Gonzalo de Quesada y Miranda (Havana: Universidad de la Havana, 1965), 286.
 John L. Offner, An Unwanted War: The Diplomacy of the United States and Spain Over Cuba, 1895-1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 1-4.
 Preece, Insurgent Guests: The Cuban Revolutionary Party and Its Activities in the United States, 1892-1898, 9.
 Searles Jr., The Sugar Question, 2.
 Ibid., 2.
 Ibid., 1-4.
 Ibid., 2.
 Champ Clark, Cuba: The Monroe Doctrine as Interpreted by a Missouri Democrat, Washington DC: House of Representatives, 1898.
 “Ultimatum! McKinley Gives Spain Forty-Eight Hours to Take or Leave Our Terms,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (Washington), 1898.
 John B. Moore, A Digest of International Law, Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1906, 100.
 “Filibustering Expeditions Against Cuba. Correspondence,” Government Papers, Kew: The National Archives, 1885.
 Grant Hamilton, “The Spanish Brute, Adds Mutilation to Murder,” Judge Magazine Cover: 1898, accessed February 25, 2018, https://www.historyonthenet.com/authentichistory/1898-1913/4-imperialism/2-saw/3-cuba/index.html.
 Hyman G. Rickover, How the Battleship Maine was Destroyed (Ann Abor: University of Michigan Library, 1976).
 Michael Blow, A Ship to Remember: The Maine and the Spanish-American War (New York: Morrow, 1992).
 Thomas B. Allen, “A Special Report: What Really Sank the Maine?,” Naval History, (vol. 12, March/April 1998), available at: http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=2&did=83179245&SrchMode=3&sid=1&Fmt=3&Vlnst=PROD& VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1249051089&clientld=45714.
 Biblioteca De Autores Cubanos, Documentos Historicos: Archivo de Gonzalo de Quesada y Miranda (Havana: Universidad de la Havana, 1965), 402.
 Perez Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 79.
 Offner, An Unwanted War: The Diplomacy of the United States and Spain Over Cuba, 1895-1898, 1-4.
 Tone, War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895-1898, 139-152.
 Perez Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 77-144.